1. The Bwala Paradox and Nigeria’s Political Culture
Daniel Bwala’s remarkable ideological transformation from a fierce critic of President Tinubu to a presidential apologist embodies a disturbing trend in Nigerian politics that transcends party lines and ideological affiliations. Just two years ago, Bwala stood before cameras as Atiku Abubakar’s spokesperson, declaring with absolute certainty that “even if you give Tinubu 30 years, nothing will work”. Today, he serves as Special Adviser to President Tinubu on Policy Communication, praising the same administration he previously lambasted. This startling reversal is not an isolated incident, but rather symptomatic of a broader political sickness that has infected Nigeria’s democratic institutions, a politics devoid of principle, driven by personal gain, and sustained by the monetisation of public office. The “stomach politics” (as critics often call it) practised by Bwala and his counterparts like Reno Omokri and Femi Fani-Kayode represents a fundamental betrayal of public trust. These political actors exemplify what Nigerians derisively call “Anywhere Belle Face politicians”, a phrase describing those who change allegiances based on which side offers the next meal ticket. Their rapid ideological somersaults reveal a troubling reality: Nigerian politics has become a marketplace where political loyalty, public service, and governance are traded for personal or group gains rather than being rooted in genuine ideology or commitment to public welfare.
2. Defining Transactional Politics: The Nigerian Context
2.1. The Mechanics of Political Transactions
Transactional politics in Nigeria operates as a sophisticated system of quid pro quo arrangements where votes are bought, conscience is mortgaged, and public interest is systematically shelved for personal gain. Unlike ideological politics, where competing visions for society drive political engagement, transactional politics reduces governance to a simple question: “What is in it for me?” This mindset has permeated all levels of Nigerian governance and citizen engagement, from the ward level to the presidency, and from voters to the highest officials. The electoral process has become the primary marketplace for these transactions. During the 2023 general elections and the just-concluded 2025 Bye-elections in Anambra and many other states across the Federation, reports from across Nigeria showed party agents standing barely meters away from polling units with wads of cash protected by the security agents most the police who are supposed to stop them, buying votes for as low as ₦10,000 and as high as ₦30,000 per voter. This brazen vote-buying occurs despite feeble and nonchalant attempts by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and other anti-graft agencies to arrest culprits, a futile effort when the same politicians funding the vote-buying appoint the heads of these institutions.
2.2. Historical Roots and Evolution
Transactional politics is not new to Nigeria, but has evolved into a more sophisticated system since the return to civilian rule in 1999. The political godfatherism of the early 2000s, exemplified by figures like Olusola Saraki in Kwara and Lamidi Adedibu in Oyo, represented an early form of this transactional politics. These “kingmakers” handed political power to protégés with the understanding that the latter would serve their interests once in office. The oil economy has further exacerbated this tendency, creating what researcher Matthew Page describes as a “perfect storm” for corruption. Nigeria’s petroleum reserves mean enormous money flows into public coffers, while years of military rule hollowed out public institutions. With over 360 different ethnic groups, national identity often takes a backseat to local affiliations, creating a perception among officials that “national government is there to divide up the booty of oil wealth”.
3. Historical Context: Corruption in Nigerian Politics
Table: Major Corruption Scandals in Nigerian Political History
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| Period/Administration | Major Corruption Cases | Impact on Governance |
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| Second Republic (1979-1983) | Rice import license scandals, Johnson Matthey Bank affair | Economic crisis, erosion of public trust |
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| Babangida Administration (1985-1993) | Babangida Administration (1985-1993) | Legalisation of corruption, rise of nouveau riche |
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| Abacha Administration (1993-1998) | Looting of national treasury, gas plant bribery scandals | International isolation, frozen foreign assets |
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| Fourth Republic (1999-present) | NDDC scandal, Humanitarian Ministry fraud, vote-buying epidemics | Institutionalisation of transactional politics |
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Nigeria’s struggle with political corruption dates back to the First Republic, though it was kept at manageable levels during early self-governance. The discovery of oil and natural gas and the subsequent rise of public administration are two major events believed to have led to the sustained increase in corrupt practices. By 2012, Nigeria was estimated to have lost over $400 billion to corruption since its independence. The regime of General Ibrahim Babangida (1985-1993) marked a turning point, legalising corruption as state policy. Babangida routinely disbursed vehicles and cash gifts to earn loyalty, eroding military discipline and giving rise to the term “IBB Boys”, fronts for the head of state in business realms, transacting everything from drug deals to money laundering. His administration’s refusal to account for the Gulf War windfall (estimated at $12.4 billion) and the rigging of the historic June 12, 1993, election cemented corruption as a fundamental feature of Nigerian politics.
4. The Apostles of Transactional Politics
4.1. Daniel Bwala: The Legalistic Turncoat
Bwala’s political journey exemplifies the ideological flexibility plaguing Nigerian politics. A trained lawyer and adjunct lecturer at the Nigerian Law School, Bwala began his political odyssey as an ally of Tinubu, then defected to the PDP based on principle, specifically opposing the Muslim-Muslim ticket as exclusionary. As Atiku’s spokesperson, he described Tinubu as a “president-select” rather than president-elect and claimed that even 30 years of Tinubu’s leadership would achieve “absolutely nothing”. His subsequent transformation into Tinubu’s adviser represents what critics call “the psychological complexities faced by many Nigerian politicians” when proximity to power becomes possible. Since his appointment, Bwala has become unsparing in his criticism of Tinubu’s opponents, describing significant defections like that of Nasir el-Rufai as “insignificant” and predicting Peter Obi’s imminent move to the APC.
4.2. Reno Omokri: The Evangelical Mercenary
Reno Omokri’s transformation from Tinubu’s fiercest critic to his defender represents perhaps the most brazen ideological reversal. As a former media aide to President Goodluck Jonathan, Omokri repeatedly accused Tinubu of being a “drug baron”, referencing the 1993 U.S. court forfeiture case. He led protests against Tinubu in the US, declaring him a “KNOWN DRUG LORD” who should be harassed out of London. In a viral video shortly after Tinubu’s election, Omokri declared with apparent certainty: “I can’t do it. It cannot happen. It’s just against my principles,” when asked if he would work with Tinubu. Yet two years later, Omokri flew from California to Lagos to defend the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, one of Tinubu’s flagship projects, praising Tinubu’s international diplomacy and labelling critics as “tribalists” and “dividers”.
4.3. Femi Fani-Kayode: The Dramatic Defector
Femi Fani-Kayode (FFK) completes the trio of political turncoats with what has been described as “the most theatrical transformation”. Formerly a PDP chieftain known for his volcanic criticism, FFK called Tinubu “a traitor to the Yoruba race” and “a dictator in Lagos, worse than Abacha”. He accused Tinubu of being “a coward who fled Nigeria under Abacha while others stood to fight” and warned that Tinubu’s presidency would plunge Nigeria into darkness. By the 2023 campaign season, FFK had become one of Tinubu’s most aggressive defenders, attacking opposition voices with the same rhetorical venom he once reserved for Tinubu. He now refers to Tinubu as “the most prepared president Nigeria has had since 1999”. His reward reportedly includes an ambassadorial nomination, with many Nigerians sarcastically suggesting he be posted to Palestine or Israel, given his vocal comments on the Gaza conflict.
5. Dangers to Democracy: The Five-Point Threat Matrix
5.1. Erosion of Public Trust
The most immediate damage caused by transactional politics is the complete erosion of public trust in democratic institutions. When politicians openly switch allegiances without ideological justification, citizens understandably become cynical about the entire political process. As researcher Jared Miller notes, Nigeria’s 2023 elections took place against a backdrop of profound public scepticism, with only 23% of Nigerians trusting INEC to conduct free and fair elections. This trust deficit makes governance increasingly difficult, as citizens assume all government action is motivated by corrupt intent rather than public interest.
5.2. Policy Instability and Inconsistency
Frequent political defections and ideological somersaults create tremendous policy instability, as programs initiated by one administration are abandoned by the next, not based on merit but on political expediency. The “monorail to nowhere” in Port Harcourt exemplifies this problem. A state governor poured $400 million into building it, only for his successor to halt construction shortly before completion. The project never ran a single train, representing a catastrophic waste of public resources that could have been deployed to genuine development needs.
5.3. Weakening of Opposition and Accountability
Transaction politics neutralise effective opposition by co-opting critics into the ruling party’s patronage network. As Tinubu has masterfully demonstrated with Bwala, Omokri, and Fani-Kayode, converting former adversaries into assets weakens opposition voices and creates an echo chamber rather than a robust democracy. A democracy without principled opposition is not a democracy at all; it becomes a single-party state in all but name, with no effective mechanisms for holding leadership accountable.
5.4. Perpetuation of Elite Capture
The systematic capture of state institutions by political and business elites is both facilitated and concealed by transactional politics. As noted in the Wikipedia article on Nigerian corruption, business arrangements and family loyalties dominate governmental appointments, ensuring that politicians, officials, and their associates all become wealthy through behind-the-scenes agreements and the awarding of profitable contracts to favoured supporters. This elite capture means that despite Nigeria’s immense oil wealth, accounting for over 90% of export revenues, the benefits are not evenly distributed, with Lagos State benefiting disproportionately.
5.5. Normalisation of Corruption
Perhaps the most insidious danger is the normalisation and systematisation of corruption throughout Nigerian society. Matthew Page’s research, identifying 500 distinct types of corruption in Nigeria, reveals how pervasive the problem has become. From “brown envelope” journalism, where journalists are paid to run favourable stories or suppress unfavourable ones, to civil society groups that take money to organise protests serving political interests, corruption has infected nearly every aspect of public life. This normalisation creates a self-perpetuating system where each generation of politicians learns from its predecessors that corruption is simply how the system works.
6. The Human Cost of Political Mercenarism
Table: The Real Cost of Transactional Politics on Nigerian Development
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| Area of Impact | Consequences of Transactional Politics Human Cost |
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| Economic Development | Diversion of public funds, inflated contracts, abandoned projects | Persistent poverty (63% multidimensionally poor), unemployment |
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| Public Services | Underfunded health care, education, and infrastructure | High maternal mortality, poor educational outcomes, inadequate roads |
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| Security | Resources diverted from security forces, proliferation of small arms | Widespread insecurity, kidnapping epidemics, community violence |
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| Social Cohesion | Ethno-regional favouritism, religious discrimination | Rising ethnic tensions, intercommunal violence, threat of separation |
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The human cost of Nigeria’s transactional politics is measured in broken lives and stunted potential. While politicians become billionaires overnight through corrupt enrichment, approximately 63% of Nigerians (133 million people) are multidimensionally poor, lacking access to basic education, health care, and infrastructure. This stark contrast between the opulence of the political class and the desperation of ordinary citizens creates social resentment that threatens national stability. The ministry scandals that have rocked Nigeria in recent years illustrate how transactional politics directly harm the most vulnerable. The Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) scandal revealed how billions of Naira were spent on non-existent projects, including ₦1.5 billion allegedly spent on “COVID-19 relief” for staff. Similarly, the Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs saw both former Minister Sadiya Umar Farouq and her successor Betta Edu caught in financial irregularities running into billions, turning palliatives meant for the poorest Nigerians into political tools and personal enrichment pipelines. As researcher Matthew Page noted, Nigeria has “some of the worst socioeconomic indicators in the world” despite its enormous oil wealth, including shockingly high maternal mortality rates. This divergence between resource wealth and human development outcomes can be directly traced to the systemic corruption enabled by transactional politics.
7. Reclaiming Nigeria’s Democratic Future
7.1 Electoral Reforms and Enforcement
Comprehensive electoral reform must be the starting point for addressing transactional politics. This includes not only technical improvements to voting systems but also serious enforcement of laws against vote-buying and political bribery. The 2023 election cycle introduced reforms like the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System and the Election Results Viewing Portal, but these faced manipulation, logistical failures, and opposition that decreased confidence in the election results. Future reforms must be designed with anti-circumvention measures and accompanied by impartial enforcement, “no matter whose ox is gored”.
7.2 Civic Reawakening and Voter Education
A fundamental shift in citizen consciousness is essential to break the cycle of transactional politics. As Isaac Asabor argues, voter education must go beyond slogans and jingles to help Nigerians, especially youth, understand the power of their vote and the need to resist immediate gratification for long-term gains. Civil society organisations, the media, and religious institutions must lead this reawakening, emphasising that the ₦5,000 offered during elections will cost five years of darkness, poor healthcare, hunger, and insecurity.
7.3 Strengthening Institutions and Meritocracy
Rebuilding institutional integrity is crucial to combating the culture of impunity. This includes ensuring that appointments and promotions are based on track record rather than political loyalty. Nigeria’s consistent low rankings on the Corruption Perception Index and the Human Development Index reflect the consequences of prioritising connections over competence. Strengthening independent institutions like the EFCC, ICPC, and judiciary, with guaranteed funding and operational independence, would help create accountability mechanisms that transcend political affiliations.
7.4. Supporting Investigative Journalism and Whistleblowers
A vibrant investigative journalism culture is essential to exposing corruption and holding power accountable. Unfortunately, as Matthew Page’s research revealed, “brown envelope” journalism, where officials pay journalists for favourable coverage or to suppress unfavourable stories, represents a significant challenge. Supporting independent media through subscriptions, protecting whistleblowers, and creating safe channels for leaking information can help overcome this problem and bring corrupt practices to light.
8. The Crossroads of Nigerian Democracy
Nigeria stands at a critical juncture in its democratic journey. continue on its current path toward further chaos or reclaim the soul of its democracy through electoral integrity, civic enlightenment, and leadership by merit. The phenomenon of transactional politics, exemplified by the ideological somersaults of figures like Daniel Bwala, Reno Omokri, and Femi Fani-Kayode, represents nothing less than an existential threat to Nigerian democracy. As Professor O. B. Nwolise famously observed, politics in Nigeria has become primarily about “amala and gbegiri”, the immediate material benefits of power rather than service to the nation. This reduction of governance to mere stomach infrastructure must be challenged through a collective commitment to principle-centred leadership. The words of eminent jurist Hon. Justice Chukwudifu Oputa bear remembering: Nigerian politicians are not afraid of the people or the law; they are only afraid of their fellow politicians. The 2023 elections revealed glimmers of hope despite the challenges, particularly in the emergence of a competitive third-party candidate who drew nationwide support by harnessing long-standing grievances about poor governance and kleptocratic politics. More importantly, the election saw many Nigerians “wake up” and engage in politics for the first time, suggesting the potential for a broad-based civic movement demanding change.
Ultimately, overcoming transactional politics requires recognising that true democracy is about representation, service, and accountability, not the grotesque theatre of greed that has dominated Nigerian politics for too long. As the African proverb reminds us: “The river that forgets its source will run dry.” Nigerian politicians would do well to remember that their legitimacy derives from the people they serve, not the pockets they fill. Until that fundamental truth guides political conduct, Nigeria’s democratic promise will remain unfulfilled.
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